By Pierre Péan
Depuis les débuts de l. a. Ve République, l'Afrique noire a été l'objet d'une cognizance très particulière des hauts dirigeants français qui l'ont incluse dans leur " domaine réservé ", sous le contrôle tutélaire et direct de l'Elysée: du Secrétariat aux Affaires africaines et malgaches de Jacques Foccart, sous de Gaulle, jusqu'à ses équivalents actuels.
Nombre d'" affaires " ont révélé, au fil des ans, le caractère difficulty, aventureux et parfois compromettant des relatives entre Paris et certains gouvernants de ses anciennes colonies. " Diamants ", barbouzes, mercenaires, putsches, safaris, sacres impériaux, votes des " Français de l'étranger ", affaires du S.A.C., financement des partis politiques, trafics d'influences, pots de vin et prébendes: l'accent fut alors souvent mis sur des cas de corruption, des excès de potentats locaux _ plus rarement sur les véritables intérêts en reason, les réseaux et groupes de pression, les jeux d'influences réciproques, l'intrication croissante de l. a. politique franco-africaine des gouvernements successifs et de leurs préoccupations de politique intérieure...
Un cas résume à lui seul toute l'ampleur et l'ambiguïté de ces family d'" interdépendance ": le Gabon, petit émirat équatorial gorgé de pétrole et d'autres ressources stratégiques. los angeles minutieuse enquête menée par Pierre Péan à partir de cette plaque-tournante des enjeux franco-africains révèle que sure néocolonialisme risque de n'être plus aujourd'hui à sens detailed, et que l. a. politique de Paris n'est pas à l'abri des pressions de lobbies ou de chantages aux renversements d'alliances...
Chronique d'un quart de siècle de kinfolk franco-africaines, ce livre ne constitue pas un mince chapitre de l'histoire secrète de los angeles Ve République.
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AlKamil acted generously and tolerantly, granting the enemy free withdrawal and the restoration of the Holy Cross (captured previously by Salah al-Din in Jerusalem) in exchange for Damietta and an eight-year truce. And so another attempt to conquer Egypt, and thus to eliminate the most dangerous foe of Christendom, ended ingloriously after so much hope and initial success. Once the external threat was removed, the internal rivalry between the Ayyubid princes reasserted itself. Until 1227 al-Mu'azzam of Damascus successfully opposed his brother al-Kamil's claim to supremacy in the empire, and allied himself with, and later even recognized the suzerainty of, the Khwarazm-Shah Jalal al-Din, who had fled from his Central Asian realm before the advancing Mongols and was trying to carve out a new kingdom for himself in the Near East.
This forced Salah al-Din to undertake a series of military campaigns and diplomatic actions directed againt his Muslim adversaries in Syria and Mesopotamia before he felt himself sufficiently strong to deal with the Franks. Although the main theatre of operations was situated on Asian soil, Egypt became, and remained, the heartland of Ayyubid might. Salah al-Din was convinced that this country must become the chief centre of all political and military efforts, and must therefore be made able to defend itself against the Christians.
Thus a new political power that was to influence the destiny of Egypt for the next two centuries was born. The establishment of the Franks, as the crusading Europeans were called by the Muslims, in Syria and Palestine (apart from the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the Crusaders founded separate counties of Edessa and Tripoli and the principality of Antioch) did not arouse much apprehension in Egypt, which was not directly threatened. Al-Afdal was concerned merely about the Syrian coastal towns, fearing that the Franks might gain direct access to the Red Sea and to the lucrative eastern trade.
Affaires africaines by Pierre Péan